From Porrajmos to Gaza: Why the Ethno-State Model Fails Roma Liberation

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The notion of 'Romanistan' – an ethnically homogeneous sovereign state for Roma people – is a recurring theme within Romani political discourse, echoing from the early 20th century into contemporary discussions. While born from centuries of profound persecution and a legitimate yearning for self-determination and safety, a critical assessment reveals that the ethno-state model presents a perilous and ultimately counterproductive path for Roma liberation. This article will delve into the historical context of such aspirations, critically analyse the inherent dangers of ethno-nationalism, and draw parallels with existing ethno-states, particularly Israel, and the tragic consequences observed in Gaza, to argue for an alternative, transnational vision of Romani empowerment.

Historical Foundations of a Homeland Dream

The genesis of the 'Romanistan' concept can be traced to a period of intense geopolitical upheaval in the early 20th century, particularly between the two World Wars. As old empires fractured and new nation-states emerged, often along ethnic lines, some Roma intellectuals and activists began to envisage a territorial solution to the pervasive anti-Roma racism and marginalisation they faced across Europe [Rövid, 2018]. This period saw the nascent stages of Romani civic engagement and political institutionalisation, where the idea of a designated homeland, a "place to be a Gypsy," gained traction as a response to enduring historical aggression and the desire for collective rights and recognition [Sierra, 2019].

One notable figure associated with such aspirations was Ionel Rotaru (1918–1982), a Romanian Roma refugee in post-World War II France. Rotaru's ambitious "Romanestan" project was a direct response to the Porrajmos (the Romani Holocaust) and aimed to secure rights for Roma globally, fundamentally shaping discussions around Romani ethnic identity and collective self-determination [Sierra, 2019]. Beyond Rotaru, other figures in the interwar period, particularly in Eastern and Central Europe, engaged in various forms of Romani civic emancipation. Leaders such as Matejasz Kwiek (c. 1887-1937) in Poland, often referred to as a "Baron" or "Leader of the Gypsy Nation," worked within existing state structures to advocate for Romani rights and self-organisation, focusing on cultural preservation, internal community governance, and advocacy within existing national frameworks [Gontarek, 2025; Matei, 2021]. These efforts, while varied, underscore a long-standing desire among Roma for agency and protection, even if the proposed solutions differed from a singular territorial state.

More recently, the figure of Dorin Cioabă, who proclaimed himself "King of Gypsies All Over the World" after succeeding his father, Florin Cioabă, represents a different facet of Romani leadership and a continued, albeit largely symbolic, engagement with notions of Romani sovereignty and representation on an international stage [VICE News, 2014]. While such symbolic leadership highlights aspirations for collective recognition and power, it operates distinctly from the dangerous implications of a territorial ethno-state, focusing instead on cultural and political representation rather than exclusionary land claims.

The Intrinsic Dangers of Ethno-Nationalism

Despite the understandable motivations, the very architecture of an ethno-state is fundamentally antithetical to the principles of equality, diversity, and human rights. An ethno-state, by definition, prioritises the interests and identity of one ethnic group above all others, often enshrining this hierarchy in law and policy. This invariably leads to the marginalisation, discrimination, and, in extreme cases, the expulsion or eradication of minority groups who do not conform to the dominant ethnic profile [Mann, 2005].

The pursuit of ethnic homogeneity within defined borders inevitably creates an 'other' – individuals or groups deemed not to belong, whose presence is perceived as a threat to the state's foundational identity. This exclusionary logic can foster an internal security dilemma, where the dominant group feels perpetually threatened by the 'other', leading to escalating control, surveillance, and violence [Cederman, 2024]. The historical trajectory of such states demonstrates a consistent pattern of forced assimilation, displacement, and even genocide against outgroups, as the racialised definition of the 'demos' becomes paramount [Mann, 2005]. The establishment of an ethno-state often necessitates a narrative of historical grievance and exclusive victimhood, which can be weaponised to justify discriminatory practices and violence against those deemed to infringe upon the dominant group's perceived rights or territory [Vago, 2007].

For the Romanipe, a people whose history is defined by movement, adaptation, and a rich tapestry of diverse cultures and languages spanning continents, the imposition of a singular, territorial ethno-state contradicts our very essence. Our strength has always resided in our transnational solidarity and our ability to thrive amidst varied societal contexts, rather than in isolation. To adopt an exclusionary model would be to betray the very anti-fascist principles that have guided Romani resistance against those who sought to define and confine us.

Lessons from the Porrajmos and the Gaza Warning: Against the Ethno-State

The lessons gleaned from the Porrajmos – the Romani Holocaust – and the contemporary tragedy unfolding in Gaza offer stark warnings against the seductive but ultimately destructive path of ethno-nationalism.

The Porrajmos, a systematic attempt by the Nazi regime and its collaborators to annihilate the Roma and Sinti populations of Europe, stands as a chilling testament to the dangers of racialised state ideologies. It was a genocide driven by an ideology of ethnic purity, where Roma were deemed "racially inferior" and an "alien element" within the national body [Berkyová, 2018; Blake, 2023]. The state-sanctioned persecution, culminating in mass murder, demonstrates unequivocally that when a state defines its identity through ethnic exclusion, the 'other' becomes expendable. The memory of the Porrajmos compels us to resist any political project that seeks to replicate the very structures of exclusion that led to such unimaginable suffering [Vago, 2007]. 

Our history teaches us that safety cannot be built on the same foundations of ethnic exclusivity that once threatened our very existence.

The contemporary situation in Gaza offers a chilling and immediate cautionary tale regarding the catastrophic potential of ethno-nationalist state projects. Israel, founded on the Zionist premise of a Jewish ethno-state, has been widely critiqued as an "ethnocracy" where rights and capabilities are stratified based on ethnic origin [Yiftachel, 2013]. While established in the aftermath of the Holocaust as a promise of safety for Jewish people, this foundation has, for Palestinians, resulted in ongoing dispossession, displacement, and systematic violence [Bresheeth-Žabner, 2024; Khalidi, 1992].

The current crisis in Gaza, characterised by widespread destruction and immense civilian casualties, has led to accusations from international bodies and human rights experts that Israel is committing genocide against Palestinians [UN Independent International Commission of Inquiry, 2025; Stirling, 2025]. The logic underpinning such actions, critics argue, stems from an exclusionary ethno-nationalist ideology that perceives the indigenous Palestinian population as a demographic threat to the state's desired ethnic composition. The move from decades of ethnic cleansing to a new level of criminality, described as genocide, is seen as a direct consequence of a mindset that views the elimination of the 'other' as a viable, or even necessary, option for the ethno-state's survival [Bresheeth-Žabner, 2024].

This tragic unfolding in Gaza serves as an urgent and undeniable warning. It illustrates how the inherent drive for ethnic purity within an ethno-state can, under certain conditions, lead to the most extreme forms of violence and systematic destruction of an entire people. For Roma, who have historically been victims of such ethno-nationalist ideologies, to embrace a similar model would be to risk becoming both victim and, inadvertently, perpetrator of the same mechanisms of oppression. The lessons from both the Porrajmos and Gaza are clear: genuine security and liberation cannot be achieved by mirroring the very systems of oppression that have caused so much suffering.

Towards a Transnational Romani Liberation

True Romani liberation does not lie in the creation of a territorial 'Romanistan' but in the robust affirmation of a global Romanipe – a transnational identity rooted in shared heritage, cultural resilience, and universal human rights. Our strength is not in fixed borders, but in our interconnectedness, our diverse expressions, and our collective struggle against all forms of discrimination and fascism.

The path forward involves:

  • Strengthening Transnational Solidarity: Building alliances with other marginalised communities and anti-racist movements globally to challenge systemic injustices [Farkas, 2020; Mirga-Kruszelnicka & Brooks, 2023]. This includes fostering a robust transnational Romani movement that champions rights and recognition across national borders, rather than seeking to consolidate power within one.

  • Advocating for Rights within Existing States: Demanding full recognition, equality, and protection of Romani rights within the nations where Roma reside, focusing on dismantling anti-Roma racism and discrimination in all its forms. This involves engaging with legal and political frameworks to ensure equitable access to education, housing, healthcare, and employment, and challenging institutionalised antigypsyism.

  • Celebrating Cultural Pluralism: Embracing and promoting the rich diversity of Romani cultures, languages, and traditions without seeking to homogenise them into a singular national narrative. This cultural richness is a source of strength, not a weakness to be contained within artificial borders.

  • Historical Justice and Education: Ensuring that the history of Romani persecution, including the Porrajmos, is widely recognised and taught, not as a justification for isolation, but as a testament to resilience and a warning against the dangers of hatred. Education about the Romani experience is crucial for fostering understanding and preventing future atrocities.

The allure of a safe homeland is deeply human, especially for a people who have endured so much. However, the lessons of history, particularly the horrors of the Porrajmos, and the stark realities of contemporary ethno-states like Israel, with the ongoing atrocities in Gaza, compel us to critically reject the ethno-nationalist model. Our liberation is intrinsically linked to universal human rights and the creation of a world where all peoples can flourish, free from the tyranny of ethnic exclusion. Let us, the Roma, rise not to build walls of separation, but to forge bridges of solidarity and justice, championing a future where our vibrant Romanipe enriches the global human tapestry.

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